Sunday, December 30, 2012

People, their Heritage, Streets and Music: A Psychological Perspective


Find below a brief draft of a theoretical background for the StreetBeat.

Without music to decorate it, time is just a bunch of boring production deadlines or dates by which bill must be paid” – Frank Zappa
Music consumption plays an important part of everyday life in the modern era, from entertainment to adolescent identity formation (e.g. Arnett, 1995); from a method of making public transportation more enjoyable (Tajadura-Jiménez, Pantelidou, Rebacz, Västjäll & Tsakiris, 2011) to aiding in the therapy of various psychological disorders (examples given in the work of Höller, Thomschewski, Schmid, Höller, Crone & Trinka, 2012). The positive effects of music can be noticed in literature as early as biblical times (in the story of King David playing a harp in order to rid King Saul of a “bad spirit”) and are still being investigating today in many contexts and methods.
               Although the prolific and expansive work on the topic make any claim against the positive effects of music a difficult one, the work of musical-science is far from over and ongoing research attempts to further analyze the effects of music on the human psyche in an effort to better understand the differences between different forms of music and their effects on different people. True to this spirit, Höller and associates (2012) showed that while most musical research uses experimenter-selected tracks of music, people actually show a more similar brain-frequency response to self-selected tracks. These investigators propose that the effects and experience of music are highly personal, to the level of brain reactions (i.e. the personal effects go beyond personal taste or a short lived emotional reaction).
               Apart from brain-frequency, music consumption has several other measureable effects. One of these is an effect on “personal space”. A working definition of personal space is given by Sommer (1959): an emotionally-tinged zone that people feel is their space. This is the space which others cannot intrude without arousing discomfort. In two behavioral experiments conducted by Tajadura-Jiménez and colleagues (2011) participants were asked (study 1) to either approach a stranger (experimenter) or stand and wait while a stranger approaches them, while listening to music via headphones or earphones. In the second study, participants were asked to approach a stranger either while listening to music via earphones or while music was played through speakers. In both studies the type of music (positive or negative) played was associated with the comfort distance reported by participants. More importantly, the music consumption medium (earphones/speakers) was also related to this distance so that participants listening to music with earphones were comfortable to be at closer distances with strangers. Taken to an urban context, this finding could mean that people are comfortable being around strangers in the street while listening to music.
               Another interesting effect of music that is relevant to an urban environment is the cross-modal transfer effect. Marin, Gingras and Bhattacharya (2012) cite several works that indicate that auditory and visual stimuli are in constant interaction with each other, especially in “real-world” situations such as walking in the street (de Gelder & Bertelson, 2003). This interaction is at least partly conducted through emotional experiences. Music in itself, has well investigated effects on emotional regulation including: changing bad mood, raising energy levels and reducing tension (Goethem & Sloboda, 2011) to name just a few. Marin, Gingras and Bhattacharya (2012) extended this research by priming participants with emotion-arousing music (previously validated) and measuring emotional responses to specific pictures. Music had a considerable effect on measures of emotional arousal in participants.
               Based on this body of research, it can be hypothesized that in an urban environment, listening to self-selected via ear-phones has a positive emotional effect, both via smaller personal spaces and via moderation of the effects of possible visual stimuli. Due to this, we propose that any improvement to urban experience should not expect people to avoid the use of personal music players or listening to music through earphones on the street. We do propose to allow people to leave a personal-musical “mark” or “heritage” in the urban environment, without intruding personal space.
               Research into the concept “legacy” has shown that people of varying ages, demographic affiliations and health conditions agree about the importance of leaving a legacy for future generations. This legacy may take many forms, ranging from financial and worldly possessions to other more abstract notions of “leaving a mark” (Hunter, 2011). Hunter further claims that “the transmission of legacy provides an avenue for continuity, as emerges from the past, develops in the present and is given to the future” (p.37). Leaving a legacy provides a way of leaving a part of the “self” that will remain even after death, a way of feeling immortal and in turn a way of reducing the existential fear of death and raising self-esteem. This innate seeking of immortality and leaving a legacy is so strong that when reminded of their own death, people showed a greater willingness to name their children after themselves (Vicary, 2011).
               Research conducted by Williams, Woodby and Drentea (2012) proposes that leaving a legacy has become a social expectation, cultural norm and personal and professional obligation in western society. This “legacy” usually comes in the form of financial assets, social connections and human investment. But these forms are not the only ones, Williams, Woodby and Drentea (2012) found, through unstructured interviews with terminal patients that people from lower socio-economic backgrounds find other “currencies” to leave their beloved ones, such as “ethical capital” (rules, “wisdom of the elders” and various stories) that often comes in the form of idioms and maxims.

Bibliography


Ana Tajadura-Jiménez, A., Pantelidou, G., Rebacz, P., Västfjäll, D., & Tsakiris, M. (2011). I-space: The effects of emotional valence and source of music on interpersonal distance. Plos one, 6(10), 1-7.
Arnett, J. J. (1995). Adolescents' uses of media for self-socialization. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 24(5), 519-533.
de Gelder, B., & Bertelson, P. (2003). Multisensory integration, perception and ecological validity. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 7(10), 460-467.
Höller, Y., Thomschewski, A., Schmid, E. V., Höller, P., Crone, J. S., & Trinka, E. (2012). Individual brain-frequency responses to self-selected music. International Journal of Psychophysiology, 86, 206-213.
Hunter, E. G. (2008). Legacy: The occupational transmission of self through actions and artifacts. Journal of Occupational Science, 15(1), 48-54.
Marin, M. M., Gingras, B., & Bhattacharya, J. (2012). Crossmodal transfer of arousal, but not pleasantness, from the musical to the visual domain. Emotion, 12(3), 618-631.
Sommer, R. (1959). Studies in Personal Space. Sociometry, 22, 247-260.
van Goethem, A., & Sloboda, J. (2011). The functions of music for affect regulation. Musicae Scientae, 15(2), 208-229.
Vicary, A. M. (2011). Mortality salience and namesaking: Does thinking about death make people want to name their children after themselves? Journal of Research in Personality, 45(1), 138-141.
Williams, B., Woodby, L., & Drentea, P. (2010). Ethical capital: ‘What’s a poor man got to leave?’. Sociology of Health and Illness, 32(6), 880-897.



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